On Monday, November 4th, an Egyptian Triple Seven elite military force helicopter will transport former Egyptian president, Mohammed Morsi, out of secret hiding where he has been held in custody by authorities since July 3rd this year. Morsi will be flown to a courtroom inside Toro Police School to begin his trial for high treason and other suspected crimes. On the eve of his political career and presidential candidacy, Morsi sat in prison awaiting trial for spying against Egypt. Now he is accused of continuing these efforts during his presidency.
According to Egyptian news agencies, Morsi recently notified his family that he alone will defend himself before the judge and jury. Meanwhile, Muslim Brotherhood organizations across the world scramble to bring to Egypt lawyers from the West and East who will try to prove that Morsi is blameless and his trial unfair. This will not be easy. Egyptian attorneys are unified against foreign attorneys appearing in the courtroom on Morsi’s behalf. In any case, proving Morsi’s innocence will be a herculean task.
In a country where no regulation or law exists to govern taping of conversations or, more aptly, where the Attorney General appointed by the President permitted secret recordings by Egyptian intelligence of the President’s meetings and phone conversations, judges dismissed by Morsi and now reinstated will be presented with tape recordings of Morsi’s discussions with Aymen Al Zawahiri of Al Qaeda.
These will show Morsi requesting the terrorist’s support. Morsi’s negotiation with the Al Qaeda leader delays application of the Iran and Taliban models for Egypt until a more receptive time and, in return for Al Zawahiri’s favor, the President agrees to immediately enforce Sharia law and release five thousand jailed terrorist-jihadists, including Aymen’s brother, Mohammed. All jihadists jailed under Mubarak were freed by Morsi within the first month of his installation to prove to Aymen Al Zawahiri that he could be trusted, according to leaked information paraphrasing the contents of the tapes.
If found guilty of conspiring with foreign entities against the welfare of the Egyptian state, Morsi will be assigned the death penalty and, since he is non-military, sentenced to hang. He stands trial on more counts that could link to the same charge, such as, attempting to establish an Egyptian Free Army within the country (parallel to the Egyptian military), creating a project to cleanse Egyptian presence from the Sinai Peninsula, accepting foreign financial aid against the interests of the country, protecting terrorists from prosecution, using jihadists to create chaos during pro-democracy freedom protests by ordering them to attack military points in Sinai, and urging “all jihadists everywhere to help us” to fight opposition in the streets and preserve his presidency.
As an elected, whose arrogance and power-grab as President placed himself “above the law,” Morsi has been disputing his removal from office. He claims his legitimate obligation to fulfill his term in spite of his alliance with terrorists and, to a lesser degree, his disregard for promises he made to the country to bring about infrastructure improvements, jobs, and safety within his first one hundred days of office. If the course of this event remains uninterrupted, Morsi will find himself in front of the court and, for the second time in Egypt’s history, a President will stand trial. Moreover, the Egyptian people will, in all probability, view two former Presidents in separate courtrooms at the same time with the overlapping trial of Hosni Mubarak whose current trial is likely to last beyond next week.
Mubarak’s trial is proving to Egyptians how he and his sons syphoned off the country’s assets and resources into their personal bank accounts and erected a tyrannical dynasty — all linked to Mubarak’s illegal use of the emergency law, “freezing” Egypt’s constitution, and ignoring the daily persecution of Egypt’s Christians. But Mubarak was a man of the state, a pro-Egypt nationalist. On the other hand, Morsi is anti-Egypt and pro-Islamic Umma (united Arab states). For this reason, much is at stake for Egypt and the world in Morsi’s upcoming trial. True justice will reveal Morsi’s alliances inside and outside the country.
The evidence from Morsi’s trial will likely incriminate wider circles — potentially the U.S. administration, the European Union, Qatar, Tunisia, Sudan and others. With the expected court examination of tape recordings and documents (to be aired on Egyptian TV and open to the international press), Morsi’s backers and supporters will be exposed unless backroom deals are brokered in advance. Morsi’s trial could mean Egypt confronts “international conspiracy”– the story developing while Morsi was in office and gaining momentum after his fall. It focuses on the unverified information that the Obama administration gave $8 billion to the Muslim Brotherhood to assign 40 percent of Sinai’s land to Hamas and, more recently, that a U.S. delegation of Senators tried to pressure the interim government into releasing Morsi from jail and re-installing him as President.
Additionally, it holds that European Union representative, Catherine Ashton, pleaded for Morsi’s release and reinstatement and, failing this, requested Morsi’s leave with asylum status; also, that Qatar made a private deal with Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood to lease the Pyramids and Sphinx for billions of dollars placing ancient monuments in jeopardy, and that electricity was diverted from Egypt’s plants to Hamas as Hamas used Egypt’s gasoline from underground containers near the Gaza border while Egyptians were shorted and forced to ration.
Egyptians saw the West (EU and U.S.) respond to Mubarak’s toppling as an opportunity to replace him, whereas Egyptians see in Morsi’s arrest calls for his reinstatement or release and re-establishing respect for the Muslim Brotherhood. During the beginnings of Egypt’s January 2011 uprising, the U.S. endorsed Egyptian freedom fighters in their protests against the tyranny of Mubarak’s regime. President Obama congratulated Egyptians for this deed, but thereafter regarded those who stole their efforts for terrorist aims as “freedom seekers” and aided the Muslim Brotherhood’s rise to power. The freedom movement – in genuine pursuit of liberty, equality and universal human rights – persisted without terror gangs and toppled Mohammed Morsi, an autocrat considered far worse than Mubarak.
All this has brought clarity to Egyptians regarding a general consensus on Western intervention. Egyptians see foreign leaders submit to the political desires of a remnant Muslim Brotherhood already weakened by the demise of Morsi’s fascist regime, inhibiting the cause of secular government and popular sovereignty. This impedes the reform of injustices in Egypt. Now, what exactly is the purpose of the anticipated six-hour visit to Egypt by U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, planned for Sunday, November 3rd, one day before the date set for Morsi’s trial?
It came as no surprise to Egyptians, despising America’s White House for helping the Muslim Brotherhood and the ousted Morsi, that recently the U.S. sought grounds to freeze military aid to Egypt by categorizing Morsi‘s July 3rd arrest as a military coup d’état. Likewise, it came as no surprise to Egyptians that America settled upon a characterization of Egypt’s military combating Morsi’s armed terror bands (“peaceful” MB protesters) as “brutality” when the “military coup” rationale became implausible. It comes as no surprise anymore to freedom fighters yearning for human rights and Western values to see that the U.S. has left a gaping hole in diplomatic relations between their two countries by a vacancy still remaining in the position of U.S. Ambassador to Egypt.